The politics of the state school vs private school system have their roots deep in British history and culture. Though I don’t wish to go digging around in this issue, a new shoot has sprouted out of government policy which does deserve some attention: free schools.

Following the introduction of academies, specialist schools, business and enterprise schools (etc, etc) I couldn’t help thinking that this new measure was bound to wither up and die very soon rather than bear any fruit. Before I marked ‘free schools’ down as ungraded in my book however, I decided to give them the benefit of the doubt and find out exactly what this latest flagship policy really is all about.

The website for the Department for Education defines Free Schools thus: ‘(They) are all-ability state-funded schools set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community.’ Those involved in founding these new establishments include teachers, parents, universities, businesses, charities, faith groups, and others outside of local authority control. A total of 24 free schools are scheduled to be opened this month across the country, including a number run with a Christian ethos, one Hindu school, one Sikh and two Jewish primaries. Since these schools will be established as academies, the governing bodies will enjoy control over curriculum, pay and conditions, as well as the length of school days and terms.

The government, in an attempt to drive home what seems to be a revamped edition of Tony Blair’s famous ‘education, education, education’ mantra, hopes that through the existence of these free schools, standards in existing schools will be driven up by the competition.

But critics are arguing that these new schools will in effect poach pupils from other schools, creating micro brain drains in communities by attracting only the top pupils, leaving other schools struggling to compete grade-wise. Not to mention the money drain, as £120m has already been drained from budgets for other school buildings.

Mr Cameron, in his speech at the launch of the Free School Norwich, however hit back at criticism saying, “Those opposing free schools are simply defending the establishment – an establishment that has failed pupils and infuriated parents for too long.” Hollow words from an old Etonian perhaps, but though I am hesitant to admit it, he does have a point. In a system where ‘going by the book’ has lead to a brittle, grade-focussed system in which many students are not failing but are failed by their schools, at both ends of the spectrum, the promise of more ‘freedom’ in education seems tempting.

Allowing parents a real say in the running of schools, certainly a step up from weekly PTA meetings, as well as those with interests in and loyalties to the local areas may well see the increased care given to all students at all levels of the grade boundaries, not just those at the border-line C/D level, who often strategically receive the lion’s share of help and assistance in an attempt to bump up schools’ position in league tables or to meet Ofsted requirements.

My immediate pessimism having mellowed, it seems it is unfair to judge these fledgling free schools (which unfortunately and inevitably will be rated according to their grades – the vicious circle continues) so early in the game. One can only hope they remain not only free of charge, but free from government tinkering, and, as with previous policies, that they will not go down the drain of history taking more pupil’s futures with them.

Libya is finally free of Muammar Gaddafi’s governance and I am very pleased. He was not the cruellest leader in history, but even during his “better” recent years he was foolish, dictatorial, narcissistic and – worst of all in a country with such widespread social problems and pockets of poverty – unusually selfish. He cared for himself and his family more than he cared for his six million citizens. He sought to forge a princely-style dynasty whereas he should have, as he vowed to when he seized power forty-two year ago as an idealistic army officer, tried to create a prosperous egalitarian nation based on human rights, fairness and the rule of law.

It would be too optimistic to believe that the National Transitional Council (NTC) will quickly be able to transform this violently torn country into some type of stable and functional political entity capable of satisfying all its people’s needs. Merely relocating from Benghazi to Tripoli won’t convince most Libyans that the NTC – a body dominated by eastern tribal representatives – is a legitimate lasting government, or even a temporary nationally representative government, which will oversee some type of fair and transparent election in the near future. Yet if the NTC proves magnanimous in victory and manages to prevent retributive violence, most Libyans will be highly relieved and probably trust and empower it for the meanwhile. Let us be optimistic.

The key will be to prevent total economic meltdown. That would lead to a humanitarian catastrophe and the renewal of inter-tribal conflict, likely necessitating the type of “boots on the ground” intervention that NATO has always promised (and so far honoured), not to undertake. Foreign troops and reconstruction agencies could, tragically, find themselves resented and even blamed for the mess.

Keeping Libya viable will involve the immediate unfreezing of its assets, a process already underway, and the quickest possible restoration of its arrested oil sector. Libya once  produced two per cent of the world’s oil;  that commodity was, and will again be the nation’s primary source of revenue. Pumping, refining and exporting oil will not only begin to generate income for whatever type of government soon emerges, but it will also, on a local level, solve the six-month spike in unemployment which has crippled local communities, causing  both tremendous hardship and public health concerns.

It may take months, but thankfully it will probably not take years, for the oil industry to regenerate. NATO deliberately never struck oilfields and refineries during its air campaign and the rebels, perhaps aware of the importance of those installations to their post-Gaddafi future, did relatively little damage to them as they sought to win freedom from tyranny. Significantly, and to me surprisingly, Gaddafi never ordered a scorched-earth policy of widespread infrastructural damage as his enemies closed in. Even in bitterly contested battlefields in major oil centres like Ras Lanuf and Brega, the loyalist forces did no real damage to infrastructure.

Perhaps Gaddafi never seriously thought of destroying his assets because he naively believed that he would ultimately prevail, or if he did consider it, he never had the means to create a policy of asset destruction. For the last few months loyalist fighters have been widely scattered, stuck in the confines of the urban areas that allowed them to stay relatively safe from NATO air attack, and not “commanded” (in a regular military sense) by any centralised hierarchy with a leader who could coordinate any such campaign.

In any event, buoyed by the prospect of relatively easy restoration, many foreign nations are already excitedly talking about contributing to “reconstruction” and “nation-building”. They are apparently motivated not only by a humanitarian desire to see Libyan suffering end as quickly as possible, but also by their desire for Libyan oil. Several European states, most notably Italy, received substantial supplies of Libyan oil before the civil war commenced in February. For their own domestic reasons, these nations want to see Libyan oil flowing again soon. China and other states have also invested heavily in Libya and will  be similarly anxious about delays in the restoration of its economy.

It would be unfair to criticise any nation that genuinely wants to help Libya return to its feet. It would also be unreasonable to attribute ulterior motives to those nations with substantial trade deals with Libya, who might want to safeguard their agreements or investments by assisting reconstruction of the shattered country.

Yet there are reasons to exercise prudence and good judgement. Libya may experience internal disputes and divisions for quite some time, and these could occasionally become violent, particularly if exacerbated by outside actors. Although we must hope that this does not occur, it should be recognised that Libya has never been a homogenous nation; it has always had internal tensions, often with outright divisions in its tribal make-up. While we all want to see a peaceful transition to whatever stable, peaceful, inclusive and representative form of governance that the Libyans may choose, we need to be realistic and appreciate that the road may be rocky for some time, as the good people of Libya decide for themselves what type of country they want.

Foreign nations should in the meantime resist a natural desire to act as agents of security and stability in a country awash with weapons. They should carefully reflect before responding to any appeals to help create a new Libyan army. If any such appeals are made, which in itself is not a negative thing, it seems that Arab or Muslim military trainers from across the region would be deemed less visible and invasive to the Libyan people, than Western military support personnel. Indeed, a situation involving Muslim security support and military training might be a highly positive way of building bonds of trust across North Africa and the Middle East.

Other foreign nations should be mindful that, stepping into that situation either prematurely or substantially, even under the banners of assistance, reconstruction or military training, might leave them open to charges of opportunism. Many are grateful to NATO for providing most of the military power that has facilitated the overthrow of Gaddafi, but they now want to forge their own future without external interference. All nations – whether Western, Eastern, Arab or sub-Saharan African – should be very careful not to let their motives appear misconstrued. The potential for grievances surfacing if a foreign “presence” becomes visible in Libya in the coming months and years, is substantial. Thankfully, the world learned that lesson in recent wars in other Muslim lands. It now has the opportunity to help a war-torn Muslim country return to peace and normality without repeating past mistakes. Insha’Allah, let’s remain optimistic.

Photo credits: http://www.newsabridged.com/?attachment_id=348 

Reclaiming the Media

Bringing together a panel of renowned and celebrity speakers, join us as we explore how to reclaim the media and our voices in Britain today.

Date: Tuesday 7th June 2011
Time: 6pm
Venue: Conway Hall (Nearest station: Holborn)
25 Red Lion Square, WC1R 4RL
London, United Kingdom

Speakers:
PETER OBORNE, Chief Political Commentator, The Daily Telegraph
UZMA HASAN, Producer, ‘The Infidel’ movie
MYRIAM FRANCOIS-CERRAH, Researcher, writer and commentator
FAISAL HANJRA, Assistant Secretary General, MCB

Also featuring the official celebration of the launch of THE PLATFORM.

Refreshments will be provided.

This is a FREE entry event, but registration is required. To register, please email admin@the-platform.org.uk with your contact details and “Attending” in the subject line.

About The Platform

Following a successful pilot run in 2010, The Platform is back in 2011, bigger and even better than before. Designed to facilitate a space for expression, promote positive engagement and encourage a renewed and dynamic thinking for progress, The Platform is a site that unites talented Britons of diverse ages and backgrounds in the common cause of bettering Britain.

An event brought to you by The Muslim Council of Britain’s Youth Affairs Committee.

Poster artwork by Rukia Begum and Sayed Khan

Editorial

After several months of exclusive and enticing contributions, ideas, hopes and visions, The Platform Blog project, in setting a vision for the coming decade in Britain, will now be drawing to a close. The fact that we have been able to extend the blog from its intended 6-week period to over 15 weeks is testimony to the success it has become.

As the Quran states, “Verily never will Allah change the condition of a people until they change it themselves (within their own souls).”[Ar-Ra’d 13:11]. It is in this spirit that we set out to help shape a vision for Britain in the coming decade; a vision for progress where individuals from the grassroots level can be part of the united voice and action for progress.

Our aims in this phase have been to set a vision and to provide a platform for expression, vision and understanding. We also wished to provide the Muslim youth an opportunity to be the leaders, not simply the objects, of debate. We have kept our formats varied, from poetry to prose, articles to videos and photos. As intended, our blog drew a diverse voice and created a healthy debate, and worked in some way to reduce stereotypes and build bridges.

As we approach the halfway point of 2010, it is clear that the next 10 years will hold new challenges for the British community. One may ask, which universal values will remain of importance? What international issues will provoke us into action and change? How will culture develop, with the increased overlapping of old and new identities? What policies will come into place and to what effect? How do we begin to participate in the political and social arena? What will be the role of British Muslims, and how will the perception of Muslims change in contemporary British society?

As we welcome in the newly formed Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government, the first such government in decades, and Mr David Cameron and Mr Nick Clegg, Britain’s new Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, we also consider the scope for progress in the coming decade, beginning with their five year term. We hope that the coalition will prove itself to be a marriage of opportunity; an opportunity for two parties to partner in governing with the combined best wisdom and experience of both sides in order to secure progression and benefit for Britain and its citizens as a whole. We would also like to welcome the newly elected Muslim MPs, in particular the first Muslim women to be elected as Ministers of the British Parliament. We hope their positive contribution to Britain will be immense as the coming years unfold.

Nonetheless, in these early days, the political future of Britain at present remains relatively in a realm of the unknown. But the positive, sincere, hard work of grassroots organisations and individuals speaks loud and clear. We would like to take this opportunity to thank every single contributor and commentator on this blog – it is your input, both on this site and in the wider sphere of work that you do, that will help shape the future of the British community. We would also like to thank the extended team of this blog who have helped with the organisational, administrative and editing tasks. Without you this project would not have come to such successful fruition.

This is not the end for the MCB Youth Committee, nor the end of our work towards progression. The Platform blog will remain live to allow for your access and perusal of the many engaging, informative and visionary posts that have featured here, and to also allow for continued debate and discussion.

We hope The Platform has been able to draw a real picture of some of the community challenges being faced and to have illuminated broad brushstroke solutions needing considerable development. Thus, we hope this inspires you to work for the community, with or without the MCB, for the common good. If you would like to work with us on these and many more issues for the common good then do get in touch.

Furthermore, we at the Youth Committee are currently working on several campaigns, all of which have been discussed on this blog. Over this year, we will be covering Disability, Mosques and Young People, and the Environment. We welcome your thoughts, suggestions and, particularly, participation in these projects as we work towards realising our ultimate aim: the common good. If you would like to get involved, please do not hesitate to contact us on admin@mcbyouth.org.uk.

Until we hear from you – and, hopefully, until you hear from us again – it’s goodbye for now.

Wa Assalamu Alaykum Wa Rahmatullah Wa Barakatuhu.

In Peace and Prayer,

The Platform Editorial Team

Editorial

After weeks of contributions and debate, addressing a remarkable spectrum of issues through a vibrant range of genres, we have now come to the completion of the six themed and structured weeks of The Platform. And we would like to thank all of you who have taken part and made the discussions on the blog both energetic and passionate.

However, this is not the end! Due to popular demand, The Platform will continue with its ‘Ten Years On’ themed discussion for an additional three weeks. During these weeks, we will not only continue to see contributions from notable guest contributors to the site, but also from you, the participants. In this special extension of the blog we will be posting some of the engaging contributions we have received and hope to further the debate. We have received a wide variety of pieces, from artistic contributions to enthusiastic prose, and it is with pleasure that we are hosting these.

We will also be dedicating a week to video blogs, where we will feature exclusive interviews and discussions with some of the greatest and most creative minds of our times from the British Muslim community.

So, we said it before and we’ll say it again; watch this space!

The Platform Editorial Team

Editorial

The last decade will almost certainly be remembered for the Labour Party having won an unprecedented three general election victories. It will also sadly be remembered for the tragic events of 9/11 and 7/7, which changed the course of political debate and discourse around the world and the conflicts that followed in Iraq and Afghanistan. From Palestine to Georgia, the first decade of the 21^st century was littered with international conflicts, while at home it was characterised by government policy towards combating the threat of extremism and how to encourage Muslims to be part of the political and civil dialogue.

Often the common perception is that politics is only about being a local Councillor or an MP. Political engagement is of course much more than this. From writing letters, to forming small focus groups or protesting – voicing our concerns about issues and policies – one way or another, whether we notice it or not, we are engaging in politics and playing a role in wider society. The Quran states, ‘Verily, never will God change the condition of a people until they change it themselves’ (13:11). The call to participate and promote change for the better is thereby clear and encouraged.

As we enter a new decade, one can wonder what it will hold for Muslims and the wider community in the UK. Will it be a positive or negative ten years? Will we see progress on the issues most important to you? Should different faiths, communities and causes work together? Will the new decade be characterised by more Muslims engaging politically and in wider society? Or should we even be playing a role at all?

The questions are there and this new decade will certainly throw up ever more and evolving questions about Muslims in the UK – but what do you think?

The Platform Editorial Team

Editorial

This week’s topic is that of ‘Culture’. Rarely has a term encompassed so many different meanings, both spoken and unspoken, to so many different people. What exactly ‘culture’ means is a question which has exercised some of the greatest minds throughout history.

Today, British society stands amongst the most ethnically and culturally diverse in Europe. Our Eid and Diwali celebrations in Trafalgar Square alongside the classic Christmas celebrations Britain has known for centuries, bears testament to this. It is a diversity that has seen rich growth, even more so in the 21^st century, and is therefore acknowledged and celebrated now more than ever.

This multiplicity of Britain is richly manifest in the creative cultural expressions of our society. From drama to photography, fine art to poetry, this week we will explore British culture. Through the variety of works we will highlight, we hope that we may get and give a glimpse of the exquisite medley and beauty of our homeland.

We also hope to explore the evolution of art and culture in Britain, particularly within the Muslim community, and illustrate the different manifestations of multiculturalism and expressions of British identity therein.

Each fellow citizen has something to share with his or her neighbour. Each person is able to positively channel his or her own cultural expressions, and contribute to the rich tapestry which colours the vast complexities of our human fabric. The Quran states; ‘Another of His signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the diversity of your languages and colours’ [30: 22]. Thus, our cultural differences are nothing short of a miracle from God.

Through the works of our contributors we hope you will join us to discover and understand how they and we interpret and express our connection with Britain.

How do you define your identity? How do you express it? What does Britain mean for you?

Sometimes, words may not be adequate.

The Platform Editorial Team

Editorial

At present, the British Muslim community is suffering disproportionately as a result of crime, on both sides of the spectrum. How can we help the community progress?

Each community has both its fair share of wrongdoers and its exemplary citizens. This is no exception within the British Muslim community.

There are many issues that are affecting the community, but the issues of crime and security features with a regrettable significance. It is unfortunate that there is a disproportionate focus on the Preventing Violent Extremism and Counter Terrorism agenda. There are other areas of concern to be seriously considered, ranging from the disproportionate Muslim prison population, high substance misuse including alcohol and drugs, and gang cultures – to name but a few. With all of these cases, families and societies are suffering, regardless of religion.

The Holy Quran encourages community cohesion and understanding: “Help one another in goodness and piety, and do not help one another in sin and aggression” (05:02). This clear recognition of mutual cooperation points to the importance for individuals to openly acknowledge and work together to solve issues in society.  Thus, the various effects and responses to crime and security should be recognised as deciding factors in the successful, or unsuccessful, cooperation of a community.

Crime and security is not the only prism through which our identity is defined, but it is one of the many facets that shape our identity today. This week, we focus on some of these key questions. Where is the government going wrong? Or are the current legislations enhancing our security? In which direction would you like the community to head? Are the current institutional structures adequate? How do you think we should get there?

The Platform Editorial Team

Editorial

This week’s topic is one which has caused great controversy and debate in 21^st century Britain.

For the Muslim, spirituality is more than a momentary feeling or experience, but is a constant state of being, realised through a consciousness of God. As the Qur’an states, ‘They remember God while standing, sitting, and on their sides and they reflect upon the creation of the heavens and the earth: “Our Lord, You did not create all this in vain. Be You glorified. Save us from the retribution of the Hellfire.”‘ [3:191]

It is hope and devotion directed to an everlasting, loving and protective Creator, as explained by a Prophetic tradition: ‘God the Almighty said: ‘I am as My servant thinks I am. I am with him when he makes mention of Me. If he makes mention of Me to himself, I make mention of him to Myself; and if he makes mention of Me in an assembly, I make mention of him in an assembly better than it. And if he draws near to Me an arm’s length, I draw near to him a fathom’s length. And if he comes to Me walking, I go to him at speed.’ [Bukhari]

The last decade has revealed a reinforcement of science and consumerism as a kind of substitute for spiritual  and religious thinking in Britain, where many would say life is centred around materially satisfying the self and the only people worth listening to are the  labcoat-clad folks clutching test tubes and scalpels.

Or some may say that the past few years have demonstrated an increase in spiritual practice and meditation with a genuine appreciation of its impact on our lives. The number of religious TV channels have also increased, to cater for a growing and increasingly diverse audience.

Religion has also been at the heart of the ‘war on terror’ and the media spotlight. But it also continues to be at the heart of humanitarian charities in Britain. How do we reconcile these two aspects?

Have we, as a nation, lost our spirituality? Or are faith, religion and God still at the forefront of everything we do?  Can spirituality be realised in the absence of a God?

Are religious people divisive and unable to integrate? Or are they leading the way forward in understanding and welcoming difference, yet unjustly stigmatised?

We address these engaging questions, and more, under this week’s theme – spirituality.

The Platform Editorial Team

Many today see Bosnia and Herzegovina (short: B&H, Bosnia) as a fragile state, problematic in terms of its long political impasse – but one can ask – is it really in such an unfavorable position? The situation on the ground is not even close to that which is being projected. In order to acquaint you with B&H, I shall first provide some background, and focus on one of its main peculiarities – the fact that it is the most-Western “majority-Muslim country” in Europe, and in a sense, the world.

According to the last official census in B&H conducted in 1991, 43.5% of the inhabitants of the country declared themselves to be ‘Muslims’ by nationality. Due to war-related death, expulsion and migration, the numbers and demographic distribution of ethnic groups within B&H have significantly changed.

A referendum on independence from Yugoslavia was held in Bosnia in February 1992 but boycotted by most Bosnian Serbs whose forces, assisted by Belgrade, initiated a bloody aggression against Bosnia in 1992-95. Estimates of the death toll of the war have ranged up to 300,000, with about 200,000 being the accepted figure. More than 83% of civilian deaths were Bosniaks, rising to nearly 95% in Eastern Bosnia. During the conflict, more than two million people fled their homes (including over one million to neighboring states and the West).

Bosnia and Herzegovina is secular state with no state religion. The Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (ICBH) is the institution that has traditionally represented Islam in Bosnia. According to its own constitution: “the autonomy of ICBH is based on the religious and legal institutions of Bosnian Muslims from the time of Ottoman administration in Bosnia.” It is independent in the regulation of its activities and the management of its properties. There are approximately 1,700 mosques and masjids in B&H, all run by the ICBH. Many mosques are still under reconstruction after being destroyed or damaged during the war. It is reported that 613 mosques, 218 masjids, and various other properties were completely destroyed in the war of 1992-95. The institution also takes an active part in the Inter-religious Council of B&H, formed in 1997 to promote inter-religious dialogue, justice, peace and reconciliation.

In post-war Bosnia the greater presence of religion in the public arena is evident. Some welcome the religious revival as healthy assertions of identity after decades of de-Islamisation during the Communist period, while others see it as a rising threat to the secular and politically fragile state. This process has also exposed religious communities to new challenges arising from publicity and public critique.

Although many in the West see Bosnia as a model state in terms of the relationship between Islam and the state, unfortunately, its status of a ‘majority-Muslim state’ seems to be the cause of prejudices and fears.

The most recent issue which has arisen is the EU plan to lessen the visa procedures for the states of Western Balkan. Although significant improvement has been made in 14 years after the conflict ended, B&H has still not been approved for the so-called “white Schengen list” which implies that citizens of Bosnia can travel throughout Europe without visas. Some neighboring countries such as Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, although at almost similar stages in reform, were already accepted on the “white Schengen list” in December 2009. Due to the complex structure of B&H and the frequent obstacles from within (which recently include even very dangerous prospects of secessionist tendencies in the Bosnian Serb entity aimed to lead to the creation of a mono-national fascist statelet cleansed of all non-Serbs) many of the reforms that are needed for EU integration have been blocked.

Also, the European stance towards recent history has not changed in terms of a clear recognition of failures, as well as the identification of perpetrators of war and genocide in Bosnia. The most recent example is the Hague trial of the former leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadzic. Europe does not want to realize that the trial of Karadzic is, to a degree, a trial of itself. It even has difficulty in pronouncing the term ‘genocide’ with reference to Srebrenica.

The only hope of the Bosnian Muslims today is to prevent any further injustice. Yes, clearly the trial in Hague is a positive legal process which has to be carried out for the sake of historical record. But it is unimaginable that war criminals responsible for mass killings dictate the flow of justice, or even worse, return home after their sentence in full glory and with a state tribute. The recent case in which the Prime Minister of the Serb Entity, Milorad Dodik, sent a government plane to pick up the prematurely-released war criminal, Biljana Plavsic, and returned her safely with the status of national hero, sends a scary message for the future – not just to Bosnia, but to the whole of Europe.

Europe was able to prevent the genocide in Srebrenica and other war crimes in B&H, but it did not. Now is the time to wake up and save people from falling further into an ethnocentric mindset. Serbs, both in Bosnia and Serbia, have not gone through any de-nazification process, and the highest priority of Europe should be to help them finally begin this thorough journey. Notably, the victims of genocide and mass killings in B&H have not asked for revenge against the crimes they suffered. They only want the same as Europe wanted after the Second World War – at the very least – the prevention of a the future climate for criminals.

The current European approach, “visas only for Muslims” policy, is a blatant example of an ‘appeasing and slashing’ stance to those who organized the worst mass killings and genocide in Europe after the Second World War. This signals a troublesome sign for the future of both the Western Balkans, and of Europe.

Mirnes Kovac is the editor of the bi-monthly Preporod Islamic Magazine published in Sarajevo. He graduated in Islamic Studies from the Faculty of Islamic Studies in Sarajevo University and has an MA in International Relations from the University of Sussex, UK. He is the author of the book “Islam as a Global Challenge” published in Bosnian in 2004.